‘Color revolutions are turning into internet revolutions’: Russian experts on Nepal’s Generation Z uprising

What began as a social media ban spiraled into Nepal’s biggest upheaval in years. Russian analysts dissect the roots – and the risks ahead.

Nepal has been shaken by its most serious political crisis in years. What began with the government’s abrupt attempt to ban major social media platforms quickly spiraled into mass unrest. Young people poured into the streets, furious not only over the loss of their digital lifeline but also over corruption, unemployment, and a political system they see as exhausted. Protests turned violent: government buildings were torched, the prime minister’s residence set on fire, dozens were killed, and ultimately the prime minister himself was forced to resign.

To make sense of these events, RT have gathered the views of Russian experts – political analysts, scholars, and regional specialists – whose commentary sheds light on the crisis.

Their voices highlight different facets of the crisis: from the structural problems of Nepal’s political system to the role of Generation Z, the failures of leadership, and the possible influence of outside actors. Together, their insights paint a complex picture of a country at a dangerous crossroads.

Boris Volkonsky, Associate Professor at the Institute of Asian and African Studies:

At the root of today’s turmoil is the abolition of the monarchy. That was a mistake – replacing it with a communist-led government only opened the door to systemic corruption. The immediate trigger was the decision to shut down social media without offering any alternative. For many Nepalese, that meant cutting off vital communication with relatives working abroad.

Once the authorities showed weakness, public frustration snowballed. People began demanding more and more, and eventually the unrest turned into outright rioting.

Elza Shirgazina, Junior Research Fellow at IMEMO RAS, Indo-Pacific Program:

Nepal is once again caught in a wave of social unrest that has become a chronic condition. Governments come and go – sometimes it’s a prime minister from the Nepali Congress, other times a communist leader – but the underlying problems remain unchanged. The economy is stagnant, social tensions persist, and deep structural imbalances in society have not gone away. The caste system and widespread discrimination are still very much alive.

The government’s attempt to block social media and certain online platforms acted as the spark that ignited this tinderbox. Corruption is another critical factor. It hasn’t just infiltrated Nepal’s system of governance – it has become synonymous with it. These protests are far from the first, but what sets them apart is their intensity.

I expect things to calm down somewhat in the short term. I don’t foresee a sharp shift in Nepal’s foreign policy. Domestic problems will likely be suppressed for a while but not resolved. Addressing them would require systemic reforms, and the political elite in Nepal has shown little willingness to undertake such changes.

Ilya Spektor, Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University:

If you really believe that in a country where the median age is 25, youth unemployment officially stands at 20% (and in reality is even higher), and GDP per capita is nearly half that of India, young people took to the streets just because YouTube was blocked – then you’ve got a very curious worldview. Yes, shutting down social media was the government’s final, self-inflicted shot in the foot, but Nepal’s political crisis runs far deeper than that.

This is clearly the most serious crisis the republic has faced in its 17 years of existence. Protesters have shown equal contempt for those in power and for the parliamentary opposition – which until recently held power itself. Earlier this year, demonstrations featured slogans calling for the return of the monarchy – and that scenario is hardly out of the question.

Meanwhile, pro-BJP bloggers in Indian social media are reacting with open sympathy toward the protesters. Then again, it would be strange to expect any fondness from them toward Nepal’s ruling communists.

Political analyst Nikolai Starikov:

Here’s all you really need to know about the “Maidan” in Nepal: start by looking at the map. Then read the so-called reasons for the unrest – a ban on social media. The law requiring platforms to register was passed two years ago!

Now, remember where Nepal sits – between India and China. Just a week ago, New Delhi and Beijing patched things up and moved closer together. And suddenly, riots break out in Nepal. A full-blown Ukrainian-style uprising. Mobs storm the parliament, police respond with water cannons and rubber bullets. And yet somehow we’re already hearing about a high death toll.

The rioters’ slogans? “Against corruption.” Out front you see schoolkids and college students – the familiar “they’re just kids” narrative. I recognize the handiwork of a master. Classic.

Alexey Makarkin, political analyst:

The events in Nepal are already being called a “Generation Z Revolution.” The “Zoomers” are those born in the internet era – roughly from the mid-1990s through the early 2010s. For them, life online is second nature, not only as a means of communication but also as a way to make money. Older generations often fail to grasp this, dismissing teenagers and young adults who monetize their social media presence as earning “undeserved income.”

Nepal has no shortage of Zoomers – it’s a young country. The population grew from 26.5 million in 2011 to 29 million by the 2021 census, and today it’s estimated at more than 31 million. The youth share of the population is exceptionally high, and with each passing year more and more of them are making their living online.

Politically, Nepal has been dominated by three major forces since the abolition of the monarchy in 2008: the Nepali Congress, the Maoist Communists, and the Marxist-Leninist Communists. They have formed shifting coalitions over the years – most recently, the Congress and Marxist-Leninists governed together, while the Maoists sat in opposition. But to the Zoomers, they all look the same: an entrenched elite guilty of inefficiency, backroom deals, and corruption. The street violence that broke out on September 9 has been directed at politicians from all three parties.

The discontent had been brewing for some time. In the 2022 elections, the three big parties together still controlled 199 out of 275 seats, but that was down from 237 previously. The newly formed Rastriya Swatantra Party (National Independence Party), led by popular TV anchor Rabi Lamichhane, surged to nearly 11 percent of the vote. The royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party also made gains, doubling its share to 5.5 percent.

The clearest sign of shifting moods, however, came in Kathmandu’s mayoral race. The winner was Balen Shah, a rapper born in 1990 – better known simply as Balen – who also holds a master’s degree in civil engineering. He ran on bread-and-butter urban issues: trash collection, traffic jams, illegal construction, and poor city planning.

Once in office, Balen made a point of streaming council meetings live, demolishing illegal structures, and holding city officials accountable for negligence. Unlike the old party leaders, steeped in inertia and deal-making, he projected the image of a decisive leader – even if some of his moves, like a crackdown on street vendors, sparked controversy. When the traditional parties tried to use that against him, Balen countered that he was simply enforcing the very laws parliament had passed.

This year, small royalist demonstrations posed little threat to the establishment. What really worried the ruling elite was the anger among young people. In that climate, Prime Minister Sharma Oli’s September 5 decision to ban major foreign social media platforms acted as a spark to the powder keg. Within days, protests had turned deadly: about 20 people were killed in the early clashes, which quickly radicalized the movement. Protesters began torching government buildings, attacking politicians they caught in the streets, and even burning court files – reminiscent of Russia’s February Revolution, when criminals joined the uprising.

Balen threw his support behind the Zoomers, while the army refused to back the government. The commander himself pressed for the prime minister’s resignation. Protesters also freed Rabi Lamichhane from prison, where he had been held since April on charges of embezzling cooperative funds. Now the Zoomers are demanding that Balen take power and that new elections be held.

Where things go from here is unclear. What seems likely is that the chaos will eventually fuel a demand for order. But who can deliver it? The old political elite has lost credibility. Which leaves the possibility of a rising demand for a “strong hand.”

Andrey Kortunov, expert at the Valdai International Discussion Club:

The immediate trigger for Nepal’s unrest was the hasty decision to ban social media. When protests break out, governments’ first instinct is usually to crack down hard – and that’s exactly what happened. Military force was used; dozens of people were killed and hundreds were wounded. That only radicalized the movement and broadened its demands. What began as anger over social media restrictions quickly grew into grievances about corruption, government incompetence, the lack of social mobility, and widespread youth unemployment. In short, a protest that started with a narrow issue has turned into a broad social revolt against those in power.

What’s striking is that Nepal’s opposition – in this case the Communist Party – has also failed to channel the unrest. Protesters didn’t just torch the prime minister’s residence and storm the president’s house; they also set fire to the opposition leader’s home. So far, no one has been able to steer this movement into a clear political direction.

Nepal is, after all, a poor country. It’s possible that outside forces, using social media, are trying to inflame discontent and undermine stability. But it’s doubtful they would have succeeded if conditions inside Nepal weren’t already so precarious.

Olga Kharina, Associate Professor and Research Fellow at the School of Asian Studies, HSE University:

The restrictions on social media weren’t the only factor behind the protests. For a long time, Nepal’s young people had been voicing their frustration online – skepticism toward the government, anger over rising unemployment and the lack of job opportunities, complaints about corruption, and resentment at seeing unqualified loyalists promoted into key positions. The disconnect between the authorities and the younger generation was already clear. That’s why some experts are now calling what’s happening in Nepal a “Generation Z Revolution.” The discontent was building for years, and the social media ban simply acted as a catalyst.

It’s obvious that today’s youth cannot function without social networks. So the outcome was almost inevitable – protests in the streets.

Nepali officials now claim that the unrest has not been free of outside influence. Western companies, whose platforms were banned, may well have encouraged young people to take action. Some of these companies openly backed the protests, speaking in the language of free speech and the need to “fight for your rights at any cost.” For young people who are still forming their views, such narratives can be highly persuasive. We’ve seen this pattern before in other revolutions where Western involvement was alleged. Here too, it may have taken the form of “soft power” – the spread of certain narratives.

Even though the government has since lifted the ban on social media, the unrest continues and the death toll keeps climbing. Once a crowd senses its own strength, it’s very difficult to rein it back in. Protesters are no longer afraid to torch government residences. Meanwhile, Nepali politicians are backtracking – repealing restrictions, resigning en masse – a sign that the government never thought through its actions. That, in itself, is a display of weakness. Had the government held its ground, we likely wouldn’t be seeing today’s chaos.

At the same time, it’s important to note that the protests still lack leadership. There is no political party or figurehead guiding the movement or calling for the government’s overthrow. Perhaps such forces will emerge spontaneously later, but for now it’s too early to say. One can only hope the unrest will subside. Still, the situation is becoming more volatile, and unless the government regains control, Nepal could slide into a full-blown domestic political crisis.

Kirill Kotkov, Orientalist:

What we’re seeing in Nepal is essentially a pressure cooker of social and economic contradictions that’s finally boiled over. That’s the underlying cause. The immediate trigger was the government’s decision to block social media. In that sense, I’d argue that we’re witnessing a transformation: what used to be called “color revolutions” are increasingly turning into internet revolutions.

It’s quite possible that future uprisings around the world will often take on this online-driven character.

That said, it’s too early to pin down the exact nature of Nepal’s revolution. A new government hasn’t yet been formed, and we don’t know what the protest leaders will actually offer the broader public.